Land is life. As the ongoing genocidal campaign to annihilate Palestinians – accelerated in 2023 – has made abundantly, heartbreakingly clear, the struggle over land is a struggle for life itself. This module grounds the understanding of Zionist settler colonialism in the pedagogy of land as life and for life. As Indigenous thought traditions have taught us, our relation to land shapes our critical consciousness (🍉)Salaita 2021. Land is a condition of possibility for world-building (🍉)Linda Quiquivix, minute 27. As students of Zionism as settler colonialism, we approach land from an ethic of stewardship and mutuality and toward a goal of teaching and learning against violent, colonizing, appropriating forces that frame land as extractable, ownable, and disposable.
![Four vertical rectangles show a map image of Palestine portraying the portion of land that is Palestinian. The left-most rectangle, stage 1, shows Palestine in 1946; it is mostly green (denoting Palestinian land) with a few small white spots (denoting Jewish land). The next box to the right, stage 2, shows the UN plan 1947, depicting Palestinian land (in green) greatly reduced to the regions around Gaza and the West Bank. The third rectangle, stage 3, depicts the period of 1949-1967; here, Palestinian land (in green) is even further reduced. The final rectangle, stage 4, depicts 2008, where Palestinian land is confined to Gaza and a carved-out West Bank, where the green appears almost as archipelagos, slightly disconnected from one another. ]](https://i0.wp.com/icszsyllabus.wordpress.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/09/image-3.jpeg?resize=2048%2C1472&ssl=1)
By definition, settler colonialism destroys to replace. Through ethnic cleansing, genocide, and land theft, it encourages settler migration and settler replacement of Indigenous communities, institutions, and presence. Yet as Fayez Sayegh (1965) explains, Zionism also destroys to erase: enacting violent and racist territorial expansion by dispossessing Palestinians of their lands – as well as epistemically through place names, of their communities, and of their livelihoods, Zionism as settler colonialism seeks to make reconstruction of Palestinian lifeways impossible.
The concept of dispossession cuts to the core of how settler colonialism functions: It forcibly displaces Indigenous life – and here we include all forms of life, including native plants – in order to possess the land, initiating a relationship of extraction and domination. Demonstrated through the oft-repeated Zionist slogan describing Palestine as “A land without a people for a people without a land” (🍉Alan 1979), Zionism animates settler colonialism through the myth that the land is empty. The violent erasure featured in this founding myth operates both by asserting Palestinian land is available to be taken and occupied as well as the racist assertion that Palestinians themselves are a barbaric and/or primitive people, who do not know how to cultivate and steward their own land. In fact, quite the opposite is true, as the materials in this module invite us to see.
Settler colonialism depends on a gendered logic in its campaign of elimination. From Zionist militias’ brutal occupation of Palestinian villages in 1948 to the contemporary horrific settler violence against Palestinians in the West Bank, Zionism operates through a system of domination that positions femininity as weak, to be taken, conquested, dominated by force. It plays out both through conceptions of the land as feminine (to be conquested and/or patronizingly protected) and through sexual violence as a common weapon of conquest (Ghanayem 2019). The Zionist entity aims to control, extinguish, and prevent life through calculated reproductive genocide (🍉Palestinian Feminist Collective 2024) as a “deliberate strategy of settler colonial erasure” (🍉 Shoman 2025).
Critically engaging Patrick Wolfe’s insight that settler colonialism a “structure, not an event” (2006), this module also invites us to examine how settler colonialism manifests in less overtly physical ways. Through violent efforts to control and manipulate the very terms that name Israel’s intent to destroy Palestinians – from settler colonialism to genocide to apartheid and beyond – as well as through smear campaigns designed to malign those who name its violence, Zionism also aims to achieve material conquest through psychic intrusion (Sheehi 2024). Such efforts to stake settler outposts even on internal, psychic terrain also plays out in the media and digital realms. We also examine the pervasive efforts to repress and curtail speech that permeate the technology that we use every day – from shadowbanning popular Palestinian journalists’ accounts to censoring posts and accounts by manipulating the charge of antisemitism – as a form of “digital settler colonialism” (Zahzah 2024, 2025).
Arising at a historical moment in which overt forms of European settler colonialism had achieved a formidable level of normalcy that obscured their tracks, Zionism emerged as a violently graphic manifestation of settler colonialism. At the same time, it exemplifies the crucial role of colonialist deception – here, Israeli disavowal – to hide or obscure the violent projects of occupation and elimination (Waziyatawin 2012). When Zionist organizations wage lawfare to normalize the false claim that calling Israel settler colonialist is a form of antisemitism, they demonstrate how important it is to understand that Zionism itself is settler colonialism. As a contemporary crucible of violent dispossession, and as a testament to the fact that genocide is not an aberration but its logical, horrible goal, we must urgently and critically study the ways that Zionism is settler colonialism.
Zionists in Their Own Words:
“We must establish settlements. We need security forces. We need to settle this land because it’s our land.”
January 28, 2024, Israeli Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi
→ In an interview with Arutz Sheva, Israeli communications minister Shlomo Karhi called for the settlement of all Palestinian land by Israel. Karhi attended a conference in Jerusalem calling for the resettlement of the Gaza Strip, which was attended by thousands, including Itamar Ben Gvir, Bezalel Smotrich, and several other ministers from Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party. | See Instagram post
“First of all, we need to subdue the enemy and defeat him. First of all, we need to win this war in Gaza and see it through to the end. In Gaza, I also want to encourage voluntary immigration, of course, I think it’s a humanitarian solution in the end.”
Minister of National security encourages forced displacement in an interview to the Knesset channel
August 08, 2024 Itamar Ben Gvir | See Twitter post
Full quote:
[Ben-Gvir]: First of all, we need to subdue the enemy and defeat him. First of all, we need to win this war in Gaza and see it through to the end. In Gaza, I also want to encourage voluntary immigration, of course, I think it’s a humanitarian solution in the end.
[Interviewer]: In the end, you’ll end up with many Gazans who will not emigrate voluntarily, what will you do with them?
[Ben-Gvir]: I think that if we decide, a large part of them will want to emigrate voluntarily.
[Interviewer]: And if not?
[Ben-Gvir]: I am sure that if we subdue [Hamas], If we win, but a real victory and not be neither here nor there, but go with this victory till the end, a large part of them will want to emigrate […]
[interviewer]: You are actually forcing them, you should say, you package it in some nice wording of “voluntary immigration” but in the end you’re expelling them if you’re doing so by applying pressure.
[Ben-Gvir]: You don’t know how many Gazans there are today who say, we want to get out of here, there are some there who are willing to sell a kidney just to get out of there.
“Yes, we say we want to take their land, take their territory and settle in it because that’s the only way they’ll understand that we defeated them. They don’t care about the houses, they don’t care about the dead, they don’t care about anything except the land.”
February 10, 2024, Yinon Magal on The Patriots show on Channel 14
In an episode of The Patriots show on channel 14 posted on February 10th: See Twitter post
“We need to encourage voluntary immigration in thousands of ways […] The more destroyed the land is, the more they will leave voluntarily.”
February 19, 2024, Yotam Zimri
An Israeli commentator on the Now 14 TVchannel in Israel advocated for mass immigration from Gaza: See video
“Amongst ourselves it must be clear that there is no room for both peoples in the country… After the Arabs are transferred, the country will be wide open for us… The only solution is the Land of Israel… without Arabs…There is no room for compromise on this point. The only way is to transfer the Arabs from here to neighboring countries, all of them, except perhaps Bethlehem, Nazareth and Old Jerusalem. Not a single village or a single tribe must be left. For that goal, money will be found – even a lot of money… There is no other solution.”
1940, Joseph Weitz
Director of the Jewish National Fund from 1932-1948 – for further context, see Melissa Weiner, “Our Bond with Israel” (footnote 7), and the Jewish National Fund blue box artifact in this module
“If you have the means, settle yourself in Palestine, prepare to go over there, see the land for yourself, and make arrangements for your settlement.”
1933, Louis Lipsky, former president of the Zionist Organization of America
“Radio Speech (WEVO) – Private Initiative in the Upbuilding of the Jewish Homeland,” 1933, Box 10, Folder 9, P-672, Louis Lipsky Papers (hereafter LLP), Collection of the American Jewish Historical Society, New York, NY, see Melissa Weiner, “Our Bond with Israel”
Keywords:
- Settler Colonialism
- Additional resource: Debunking the “Zionism is not Colonialism, Just Jewish Self-Determination” myth from DecolonizePalestine
- Dispossession
- Indigenous
- Conquest
- Terra Nullius
- Apartheid
- Racial Capitalism
- Robin D. G. Kelley, “What Did Cedric Robinson Mean by Racial Capitalism?,” Boston Review, June 12, 2017, https://bostonreview.net/articles/robin-d-g-kelley-introduction-race-capitalism-justice/ ; listen to this podcast with Robin D.G. Kelley about racial capitalism (49 min.)
Discussion Questions:
Discussion Question: What, to settler colonialism, is land?

Artifact: “Return to Ma’in,” Salman Abu Sitta, Mapping My Return – a forensic investigation of the attack and occupation of the Palestinian village al-Ma-in on May 15, 1948 by the Zionist paramilitary militia known as the Haganah. The Haganah carried out such attacks across the western Naqab desert, expelling the inhabitants of multiple Palestinian villages.
Discussion Question: How does settler colonialism view the land? What is it for?

Artifact: Jewish National Fund charity box – Indeed, as Melissa Weiner shows, the “value” of the Blue Box, according to its framing by the JNF in “Our Bond with Israel,” was that by introducing “the JNF into the Jewish home in its everyday life and across generations…[i]t performs constant and perpetual propaganda work for the JNF wordlessly.”
Discussion Question: How does the land resist settler colonialism?

Explore some forms of resistance to land theft and to other forms of dispossession
Image credit: p. 99 of Sherena Razek (2024) “Fire as Elemental Intifada in Colonized Palestine,” Journal of Palestine Studies, 53:3, 94-107, DOI: 10.1080/0377919X.2024.2422287

Artifact: Fire – Wildfires in Southwestern hills of Jerusalem, 2021 – When wildfires erupted in the Southwestern hills of Jerusalem in 2021, they destroyed up to 20,000 dunums of pine forest that had been planted by the JNF, revealing the terraced hillsides that had been concealed by the monocultural forest of trees. Sherena Razek (2024, abstract and link below) posits fire as an elemental force of Indigenous Palestinian resistance to the ongoing Nakba, and its displacements of both people and land. Consult Razek’s visual essay to explore her claim that fire is an elemental force of resistance. What other forms of resistance can you identify?

Artifact: Tweet Like It’s Free – In June 2021, in the midst of the Palestinian Unity Intifada, the hashtag “Tweet Like it’s Free: What Would a Liberated Palestine Look Like?,” provoked a campaign to radically imagine a free Palestine. Consult some of the posts at the link and also in Sulafa Zidani’s article “Tweet Like It’s Free: Civic Imagination in the 2021 Palestinian Unity Intifada.”
Discussion Question: How does settler colonialism stake outposts beyond the physical realm? How does the concept of sovereignty relate to land?

Artifact: Zionist Smear – Lara Sheehi (2024) talks about Zionism as a form of settler colonialism that intrudes on both physical and psychic sovereignty.
Discussion Question: How does Zionism seek to control and contain the land? How might we understand these forms of control and restriction as also forms of elimination?

Artifact: The Apartheid Wall — In her essay “Settler Colonialism”* for the collection The Social Properties of Concrete, Lila Sharif writes about one of the oldest olive trees in the world, which resides in an ancient 5,000 year old olive grove just a few miles from Jerusalem.
Discussion Question: How does settler colonialism rely on gender and sexualized violence?

Artifact: Palestine Feminist Collective’s report, “A Predatory State.” Download the Palestinian Feminist Collective’s new report.
Annotated Study Materials
Visuals
- Forensic Architecture
- Visualizing Palestine
- An Ongoing Displacement graphic
- Consult Visualizing Palestine’s “green colonialism” graphic for more details about how the widespread practice of ecocide plays out, and how they disguise themselves as environmentally “friendly” policies.
Videos
- Al Jazeera – Palestine 1920 film
- Al Jazeera – How a Zionist Armed Group Helped Create the State of Israel
- Film: John Halaka, The Presence of Absence in the Ruins of Kafr Bir’im (approx 1 hour)
- A Film By John Halaka. Shot on location in the ruins and cemetery of Kafr Bir’im, a Palestinian village located in the Northern Galilee, the film introduces the viewer to Mr. Ibrahim Essa, an elderly poet who survived the ethnic cleansing of his village in 1948. Mr. Essa’s family has lived in Kafr Bir’im for the past 700 years. His village was ethnically cleansed of its Palestinian inhabitants by the military forces of the newly established state of Israel in early November 1948. All of the 1050 inhabitants of Kafr Bir’im were driven from their land, and were never allowed to return to the homes and fields that they and their ancestors had inhabited and cultivated for centuries.
Readings
- Fayez A. Sayegh. Zionist Colonialism in Palestine. Beirut: PLO Research Center, 1965.
- Originally published by the Palestine Research Center (whose archives were subsequently looted and bombed by the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982) and also reprinted in the Settler Colonialism Studies journal in 2012, Sayegh’s Zionist Colonialism in Palestine is a concise explanation of Zionism as a racist and settler colonialist project. It rejects the idea of a noble, democratic, or benign liberal Zionism, demonstrating it to have always been an overtly racist and violent project of elimination seeking to occupy Palestine through forced expulsion and violent dispossession of Palestinians from their land. He argues that the Zionist settler colonialist entity is defined by three key characteristics: racism, violence and terrorism, and territorial expansionism. See also “The Cause of Anti-colonialism and Liberation is One: Fayez Sayegh’s Zionist Colonialism in Palestine,” by Louis Allday (March 23, 2021 for Liberated Texts), which offers helpful context and background.
- Nahla Abdo and Nira Yuval-Davis. 1995. “Palestine, Israel and the Zionist Settler Project.” Pp. 291-322 in Unsettling Settler Societies: Articulations of Gender, Race, Ethnicity and Class, Daiva Stansiulis and Nira Yuval-Davis (eds). Sage Publications.
- The article situates the Zionist settlement project within the overall framework of dispossession, examining the nature and character of Zionism as it evolved from a minority political movement into a powerful state. It looks at three central goals of the ZIonist settler movement – the conquest of the land, the conquest of labor, and the conquest of the market – in dispossessing Palestinians. Through feminist analysis, it pays particular attention to the complex articulations and interrelationships of gender, class, and ethnicity in the Zionist settler project.
- Eman Ghanayem, “Colonial Loops of Displacement in the United States and Israel,” Women’s Studies Quarterly Vol. 47, No. 3/4, TOGETHER (FALL/WINTER 2019), pp. 71-91.
- Analyzes the legal journey of Rasmea Odeh, both in the US (2014/2017) and in the Israeli prison system (1979), arguing that the two legal experiences subjected Odeh to a colonial loop of displacement. It extends the idea of settler colonialism and dispossession to a diasporic and transnational framework, demonstrating the United States and Israel to be interconnected settler colonies.
- Omar Zahzah, “Campaign against Project Nimbus gathers steam and supporters,” Electronic Intifada, August 23, 2024.
- Annotation: charts the “No Tech for Apartheid” campaign in relation to Project Nimbus (we well as ____) to argue that Big Tech facilitates digital settler colonialism. {see also Omar Zahzah, Terms of Servitude: Zionism, Silicon Valley, and Digital Settler Colonialism in the Palestinian Liberation Struggle, Ithaca, NY: The Censored Press, 2025}
- Tariq Dana and Ali Jarbawi. 2017. “A Century of Settler Colonialism in Palestine: Zionism’s Entangled Project.” Brown Journal of World Affairs 24(1): 197-220.
- Waziyatawin “Malice Enough in their Hearts and Courage Enough in Ours: Reflections on US Indigenous and Palestinian Experiences under Occupation.” settler colonial studies 2, 1 (2012). Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine.
- To see for ourselves the conditions under which Palestinians live and struggle – this was the mission of the delegation of Indigenous and Women of Color Feminists that traveled to Occupied Palestine in June 2011.1 All of us had been part of social justice struggles in our respective communities and all of us sought to increase our capacity for effective solidarity action with Palestinians. I traveled with the delegation as an Indigenous woman living under US occupation seeking to understand how another Indigenous population struggled under settler colonialism. Sometimes it takes seeing the suffering of others to realise the full magnitude of our own suffering. As a Dakota woman in Palestine, I had the painful experience of witnessing the monstrous destructiveness of settler colonialism’s war against a People and a land base. I told one friend that it was like witnessing a high-speed and high-tech version of the colonisation of our Indigenous homelands. Colonisation ought to be one of the most easily recognised forms of oppression in the world, but it is not. In fact, colonising powers work so steadfastly to rationalise and justify this crime against humanity that it eventually becomes normalised, acceptable, and even righteous. I come from a place where the government denies that it is colonial – it denies that it is a government of occupation. I recognised this same colonial deception at play in Israel’s disavowal of itself as a colonial entity.
- Lara Sheehi, “Intent to Harm: Settler Colonial Outposts in Psychoanalysis”
- Lara Sheehi, “Intent to Harm: Settler Colonial Outposts in Psychoanalysis.” Middle East Critique 33.3 (2024): 419-434
- Offers the [idea] of “settler colonial outposts” to describe the ideological campaigns that work to silence often, as in the case with the author, through highly publicized smear campaigns designed as psychic intrusions (short alternative phrase) that aim to repress academics and activists, both directly (through the specific campaign) and pre-emptively, by creating a climate of tangible fear and “new McCarthyism.” The author discusses the Title VI complaint filed by Stand With Us, a right-wing pro-Israel advocacy group, and its claim that any form of anti-Zionism constitutes “erasive antisemitism,” a term that follows the familiar blueprint of collapsing Jewishness with Zionism/Israel in order to mobilize identity-based protections. The author explains that the claims of antisemitism in smear campaigns do not need to gain traction in order to create harm through a psychic state of siege, which manifests [by isolating the scholar, getting them disinvited, fired, etc]. In short, the author argues that Zionist smear campaigns are settler colonial outposts – that is, they seek to expand the sovereignty of the settler colonial state of Israel.
Supplementary Sources
- Sherena Razek, “Fire as Elemental Intifada in Colonized Palestine,” Journal of Palestine Studies 53.3 (2024): 94-107. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/0377919X.2024.2422287
- Considering both the destructive deployment of fire by settlers in/and the Zionist state as well as the way that the extractive economies of settler colonies often lead to natural disasters, Razack also broadens the frame to consider fire as an elemental form of resistance to Zionist erasure. When wildfires erupted in the Southwestern hills of Jerusalem in 2021, they destroyed up to 20,000 dunums of pine forest that had been planted by the JNF, revealing the terraced hillsides that had been concealed by the monocultural forest of trees. The essay posits fire as an elemental force of Indigenous Palestinian resistance to the ongoing Nakba, and its displacements of both people and land.
- Saree Makdisi, Tolerance is a Wasteland
- Sulafa Zidani, “Tweet Like It’s Free: Civic Imagination in the 2021 Palestinian Unity Intifada.” Journal of Palestine Studies vol. 53, no. 3 (2024).
- In June 2021, in the midst of the Palestinian Unity Intifada, Twitter users took to the platform to imagine a desired future in which Israel’s apartheid occupation and barriers fragmenting Palestinian communities no longer existed. The hashtag they used, #Tweet_Like_It’s_Free (#غرد_كانها_حرة), became an instant trend. In this article, the author examines a dataset of 600 of these tweets from June 2021 in order to explore the role of imagination in undoing fragmentation, emphasizing connection to the land, and disrupting a seemingly impenetrable status quo. The article argues that, despite limits to the use of digital media in the context of Israel’s settler-colonial occupation, playfulness and experimentation on social media are necessary political practices. Imaginative tweets do more than paint a picture; they narrate people’s right to movement and to hope, and reinforce their connection to the land and to each other across geographically fragmented communities in historic Palestine and the diaspora.
- Lila Sharif, “Settler Colonialism,” in The Social Properties of Concrete, eds. Eli Elinoff and Kali Rubaii, pp. 373-82. Punctum Books, 2025.
- Sharif centers this short essay around a description of one of the oldest olive trees in the world, which is rooted in the Palestinian village of al-Walajah, just a few miles from Jerusalem. She describes how al-Walajah was first raided by Zionist militias in 1948, a process in which Palestinians were dispossessed of 75% of the village’s land. Now surrounded by Israeli settlements, the Zionist state is now surrounding al-Walajah by constructing the illegal apartheid wall, a concrete wall that is 9 meters high, and which serves to “encircle, partition, penetrate, and steal Palestinian land and life” (376). After completely encircling the village, Israel plans to transform the remaining hills into a national park available for the exclusive enjoyment of Jewish Israelis. Sharif writes about the ancient olive tree, part of a grove that has existed for over 5,000 years, as a living, breathing reminder of Palestinian sumud and rootedness in the land.
- George Alan, “‘Making the Desert Bloom’ A Myth Examined.” Journal of Palestine Studies 8.2 (1979): 88–100. doi:10.2307/2536511. In this article, Alan debunks the myth by showing that by the 1930s the indigenous Arab population of Palestine was already farming the majority of land available to be cultivated (only about half of Palestine is a desert climate), and that the supposed expansion of cultivated land was actually the “reclamation”/stealing of farmland belonging to Palestinians made refugees by the Nakba.
- David Lloyd, 2012. “Settler Colonialism and the State of Exception: The Example of Palestine/Israel.” Settler Colonial Studies 2 (1): 59–80. doi:10.1080/2201473X.2012.10648826.
- Discourse on Israel, both propagandistic and analytical, has the peculiar tendency of representing it at one moment as normal – a normal democracy, a normal Western society, a normal state – and at others as exceptional: a democracy uniquely embattled among hostile neighbors, a secular state that historically fulfills the religious destiny of a people, a democracy that defines itself as a state for a single people and religion, the only democracy in the region, and so forth. At times, defenders of Israel lay claim to its normality as the reason to exempt it from the norms of human rights and international law, at others complain that Israel is being ‘singled out’ for criticism. This paper argues that these apparent contradictions, over and above their value to public relations opportunism, can best be explained by understanding Israel’s occupation of Palestine as an exemplary settler colonial project whose contradictions are embedded in the early framing of Zionism and whose unfolding follows a logic long ago analyzed by Albert Memmi and other theorists of settler colonialism.
